I have been thinking about the
Macklemore–Ed Sheeran mess all week, though probably for a different reason than most. The celebrity drama itself has already been litigated to death online. You know
Macklemore said “Free Palestine” while opening for Sheeran at MetLife Stadium. You know billionaire New England Patriots owner Robert Kraft objected to him appearing later this month at Gillette Stadium, which Kraft’s company owns. You know Macklemore was subsequently removed from the remaining US dates of the tour, while Kraft said the decision concerned what he described as Macklemore’s “broader history of antisemitic rhetoric and imagery,” as well as material presented during the New Jersey shows. You probably also know that the fallout did not end there. Sheeran’s opening acts Finneas, Lukas Graham, Aaron Rowe and Beoga all withdrew from the tour.
What interests me is what happened once everyone started reaching for their wallets. Within days, Macklemore pledged his entire $1 million in net earnings from the tour to six organizations supporting Palestinians. Sheeran pledged $2 million in humanitarian aid and called Kraft asking him to match it. Kraft agreed to another $2 million “to aid in the region to fight this humanitarian crisis,” according to his statement. The pledge did not specify which organizations would receive the money.
So a controversy that began with an attempt to remove Palestine from a stadium ended with Palestine receiving $5 million and considerably more attention than it probably would have received had Macklemore simply finished his set and gone home. The machine, for a moment, had turned on itself. And now we can follow the money.
Macklemore gave away his entire $1 million in net earnings from the tour he had been removed from. Kraft pledged twice as much, but his $2 million represents only around 0.013% of his estimated $15.2 billion fortune, and according to Kraft himself, it arrived after Sheeran called asking him to contribute.
Two million dollars sounds enormous because, to virtually everyone reading this, it is enormous. Measured against $15.2 billion, however, it begins to look different. The latest Federal Reserve Survey of Consumer Finances puts the median American family’s net worth at $192,900. Apply the same proportion of wealth and Kraft’s donation is roughly equivalent to that family giving about $25.
None of this makes the $2 million useless. For an organization buying food, medicine, or shelter with it, the money is very real. A child does not eat a structural critique for dinner. But there is a difference between asking what a donation can buy and asking what that donation represents as an act of sacrifice. Macklemore’s million dollars represented everything he earned from the tour at the center of the controversy while Kraft’s represented a fraction of a fraction of his fortune. Ultimately, the numbers tell us how much they gave, and the context tells us what giving it cost them.
That context becomes even more interesting when you follow money beyond this particular week, because the humanitarian side of the ledger exists alongside another, considerably larger economy.
The United States has provided Israel with military assistance for decades, and organizations including AIPAC have made maintaining that support a central part of their political advocacy. The Kraft Group has itself contributed millions of dollars over several election cycles to United Democracy Project, the super PAC affiliated with AIPAC.
This does not mean Robert Kraft personally bought a bomb. What it does illustrate is a much larger contradiction built into modern philanthropy: private fortunes can participate in shaping political priorities upstream, while charitable giving appears downstream to alleviate some of the human consequences produced within those same political systems. Once you notice that structure, it becomes difficult to stop seeing it.
Governments finance weapons, contractors manufacture them, buildings disappear, hospitals become unusable, families are displaced, and humanitarian organizations scramble for enough money to provide food, medicine, tents, and clean water. Eventually, another enormous pool of money is required to rebuild the homes, roads, schools, hospitals, and businesses that were destroyed.
Capital is present when the building comes down and it will be present when the building goes back up. The aid worker is stuck somewhere in between.
The latest joint assessment by the United Nations, European Union, and World Bank estimates that Gaza will require approximately $71.4 billion for recovery and reconstruction over the coming decade. More than 371,000 housing units have been damaged or destroyed, more than half of hospitals are nonfunctional, nearly all schools have been damaged or destroyed, and roughly 1.9 million people have been displaced, often repeatedly. The assessment estimates that $26.3 billion will be required within the first 18 months alone.
Put this week’s burst of generosity beside that number and the scale becomes almost absurd. Macklemore, Sheeran, and Kraft have collectively pledged $5 million. You would need roughly 14,280 repetitions of this entire week’s philanthropy simply to equal the current reconstruction estimate. And that is before getting into the enormous amounts of money circulating through the military economy itself.
There is a reason this dynamic has attracted thinkers for more than a century. Oscar Wilde was writing about the contradictions of charity in The Soul of Man Under Socialism in 1891, arguing that charitable remedies can alleviate suffering while leaving intact the conditions that continually reproduce it. More recently, political scientist Rob Reich has argued in Just Giving that large-scale philanthropy should also be understood as an exercise of power: private wealth being converted into decisions about which public problems deserve attention, how they should be addressed, and who gets to decide.
Peter Buffett, the son of Warren Buffett, gave the phenomenon an especially useful name in a 2013 essay: the “charitable-industrial complex.” His criticism came from inside the philanthropic world itself. Vast fortunes are accumulated through an economic system capable of producing extraordinary inequality, then portions of those fortunes are redirected toward alleviating its consequences. The giver becomes the solution to a problem from which enormous concentrations of private wealth cannot always be neatly separated.
Award-winning journalist and author Naomi Klein’s idea of “disaster capitalism” approaches the same machinery from another direction. In The Shock Doctrine, Klein describes how catastrophes can create openings for economic interests that would face far greater resistance under ordinary circumstances. War produces perhaps the most brutal version of that cycle because destruction and reconstruction can each generate their own economies. Gaza makes the abstraction horribly concrete.
There are companies paid to manufacture the weapons used in war. There are humanitarian organizations trying to raise enough money to treat the people injured by those weapons. There will eventually be companies paid to clear rubble and companies paid to reconstruct buildings. Money circulates through every stage while the people living through the destruction possess remarkably little control over any of it. Then a billionaire writes a humanitarian check and we call the final stage generosity.
Of course, it is very easy to sit outside a humanitarian crisis and announce that charity will never solve structural inequality. It will not. But tell a family waiting for food that their problem is structural and they will still need food by dinner. A donation can be politically inadequate and materially necessary at exactly the same time.
Most ordinary people control almost none of the machinery described above. We do not negotiate ceasefires, we do not open border crossings, we do not approve weapons transfers or decide where billions of dollars in public money go, and we cannot reconstruct a hospital. So people use what remains available to them. They march, they boycott, they donate $20 because $20 is what they have. Artists have a larger version of the same toolbox. They have money, microphones, audiences, labor, and attention, but they do not possess state power either.
Macklemore seemed conscious of that limitation when announcing his donation, describing financial giving as one of the less costly forms of solidarity available to him while emphasizing the political conditions that humanitarian aid alone cannot change. His $1 million will not rebuild Gaza. It can still buy food. Those two statements are perfectly capable of existing together.
Which brings us back to the strangest part of this whole episode. Kraft had considerable power. His company controls a stadium Sheeran was scheduled to play. He objected to Macklemore appearing there, and Macklemore said Kraft encouraged other venue owners to follow suit. Kraft confirmed his own decision to bar Macklemore from Gillette Stadium but has not publicly substantiated every element of Macklemore’s account about his communications with other owners.
That should have been where the power flowed. Instead, other artists withdrew. The story grew. Sheeran released a statement explaining that Macklemore’s removal had been the promoter’s decision and said he did not want to abandon fans, crew members, and other musicians who relied on the tour for work. Then all four remaining support acts left anyway.
And eventually the money started moving in the opposite direction. Macklemore put up $1 million. Sheeran put up $2 million. Sheeran called Kraft, who put up another $2 million. According to Kraft, Sheeran now intends to approach other venue owners as well.
That reversal matters more to me than the celebrity scandal that produced it. Nobody stopped a bomb this week. Nobody dismantled the political machinery behind the war. Five million dollars placed beside $71.4 billion in reconstruction needs makes the limitations painfully obvious. But something did happen to the incentives.
An artist spoke. Powerful people attempted to exercise control over where he could perform. Other artists withdrew their labor. Audiences reacted. A reputational problem grew. Then people with considerably more money began writing checks.
And there is an irony here that would almost be funny if the subject were not so grim. Sheeran’s attempt to remain outside the politics of Palestine attached his name, his tour, and $2 million of his money to Palestine more visibly than neutrality ever had. Macklemore lost his place on the tour and somehow enlarged the platform.
The lesson is not that celebrity activism will save anyone. It will not. Nor is it that consumers can simply shop their way out of war. Governments and militaries possess powers that no playlist, boycott, or Instagram unfollow can reproduce. The more interesting lesson is that power does not travel exclusively from the top down. Stadium owners can control stadiums, promoters can control contracts, billionaires can move millions without noticing the difference in their bank accounts. But artists can withdraw their labor, audiences, can withdraw attention, and consumers can make certain choices reputationally or financially expensive.
For a few strange days in September, those smaller forms of leverage collided with the larger ones. The billionaire still had his billions. The stadium owner still had his stadium. The structures themselves remained firmly in place. But the pressure changed direction, and suddenly, silence got expensive.